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This is a primer on anthropology as an academic discipline.

NOTE: You can contribute to it by posting questions related to any of its ten sections, or by proposing/writing new entries, or by submitting links to academic resources you consider useful (do provide a short description of the material the link provides, and why you consider it useful).

1.Anthropology; 2.Basic terms; 3.Disciplinary definition; 4.Historical development; 5.Subdisciplinary variation; 6.Professional application; 7.Specializations;
8.Geographical variation;
9.Foundational concepts;
10.Interdisciplinary linkages;
►  ►  ►  ►  ►  ►  ►  ►  ►  ►;
REFERENCE listing #1: Introduction to Anthropology;
REFERENCE listing #2: Online Resources;
REFERENCE listing #2: Writing Exemplars

1. Anthropology

Anthropology is the scientific study of our species: Homo sapiens, in all of its characteristics, assessed holistically (that is: in whole, or by looking at all of their aspects) and comparatively (that is: by making comparisons, historical and/or cross-cultural).

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2. Basic terms

The English term "anthropology" derives from the Greek words anthropos, literally meaning "man" but broadly meaning "humankind", and logos, meaning "study"--so the literal meaning of anthropology is "the study of humankind".

The Latin term "Homo sapiens" is the internationally used, binomial nomenclature (two-word term) for scientifically defining our species. The term translates literally as "Man, the knower". The definition, always in the singular form, is usually presented in italics (as all foreign words), with the first word capitalized.

Binomial nomenclature was first introduced by Carl Linnaeus (1707-1778), a Sweedish physician and naturalist who attempted a comprehensive classification of plants and animals, grouping them by similarities into ever-larger categories. Binomial nomenclature gives the name of the genus (plural: genera) to which the species belongs (the capitalized word), followed by the name of the species itself. For example, Boa constrictor is one of the four known species of the genus Boa.

The English term "species" (plural: species) refers to one of the basic units of biological classification: a group of organisms capable of fertile interbreeding.

Anthropology came to define a specific academic discipline focused on the holistic study of our species in the 19th century (that is: the 1800s), in Europe and North America, when the first university courses in this field, and professional associations for anthropologists, were established.

NOTE: The two abbreviations: eg (or e.g., from the Latin: exempli gratia--meaning: "for example"), and ie (or i.e., from the Latin: id est--meaning: "that is"), always followed by a comma, are the most often used linguistic shortcuts in explanatory writing. From now on they will be used throughout.

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3. Disciplinary definition

The English term "discipline" comes from the Latin word disciplina, meaning the training which a "disciple" (ie, a student) gets toward acquiring particular skills or knowledge, often by obeying instructions and by learning specific terms, concepts, rules, and techniques.

An "academic discipline" is a particular branch of knowledge taught formally in schools and/or colleges and universities, which addresses a specific area of study, on the basis of some generally accepted theoretical and methodological assumptions--usually organized in a written "body of knowledge" (sometimes called: "the literature"), and leading to particular professional activities.

Some basic academic disciplines--such as those providing skills in literacy (the ability to read and write in one's native language") and numeracy (the ability to understand and use numbers) have always been considered so fundamental that they were/are incorporated in all known formal educational systems.

Some advanced academic disciplines, especially if they have emerged fairly recently--such as anthropology--are taught mostly at the post-secondary educational level (that is, in colleges and universities).

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4. Historical development

Anthropology came to define a specific academic discipline focused on the holistic study of our species in 19th century Europe and North America, when the first university courses in this field, and professional associations for anthropologists, were established.

E. B. Tylor's book Primitive Culture, published in England in 1871, is often considered the foundational text of anthropology, especially since it contains the first anthropological definition of "culture".

The real founder of modern scientific anthropology, however, is considered to be Franz Boas (1858-1942), a German Jew who integrated the aspects of anthropology derived from studying our species through "natural science" (focusing on our species' evolution and biological characteristics), and the aspects of anthropology derived from the study of human behavior, language, and traditons, both as expressed by living populations ("ethnology"), and as documented in the material remains of long-extinct cultures ("archaeology").

Franz Boas was particularly interested in recording the traditions of Native American tribes, whose cultures were expected to become extinct through their assimilation into American society. So, he moved to the USA, where he started teaching anthropology and working for natural history museums, and where he eventually established the first PhD program in anthropology (at Columbia University, New York), in 1896.

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5. Subdisciplinary variation

In Boas's lifetime it was assumed that some people have a history, documented in their written records, while other people, lacking writing, also lack history. The "people without history" were considered to be the specific focus of anthropological study.

Boas rejected this distinction, arguing that all societies have a history, and that all societies can be studied by anthropologists. Thus, in his 1904 article, "The History of Anthropology", Boas wrote:

"The historical development of the work of anthropologists seems to single out clearly a domain of knowledge that heretofore has not been treated by any other science. It is the biological history of mankind in all its varieties; linguistics applied to people without written languages; the ethnology of people without historic records; and prehistoric archeology."

The "four-field approach" in anthropology derives from the subdisciplinary variation Boas originally made, as described above. Consequently, most American anthropology programs offer courses, and graduate-level specializations, in these four fields (listed alphabetically): Archaeology; Biological (or Physical) Anthropology; Cultural (or Sociocultural) Anthropology; Linguistic Anthropology.

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 6. Professional application

Ideally, anthropologists should train in each of these " four fields" but, practically, the body of knowledge accumulated in each of the fields, their specialized research methodologies, and the sheer breadth of their focus, leads to early concentration in one or another of the fields.

Currently, the most popular field of disciplinary specialization in the USA is Cultural Anthropology (often including Linguistic Anthropology), followed by Archaeology, and Biological Anthropology.

Most American anthropologists with an advanced academic degree end up working in the academic world, both as researchers and teachers.

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7. Specializations

Each of the four fields has further fragmented into ever more narrow subfields and specializations, sometimes spanning two fields. These specializations often correlate to a particular issue (ie, Ethnicity, Cognition, Genetics) or to a particular area of research (Medical Anthropology, Legal Anthropology, Environmental Anthropology).

The American Anthropological Association (aaanet.org), which Franz Boas helped found, and of which he became vice-president in 1902, lists a large number of Sections and Interest Groups, reflecting the proliferation of professional specializations encompassed by anthropology.

Finally, in recent times, American anthropologists have made a distinction between "general" and "applied" anthropology. Applied anthropologists aim at translating their research into interdisciplinary and/or broadly social application (sometime as a result of serving as consultants for agencies, businesses, nonprofits, and other institutions).

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8. Geographical variation

While American anthropology has been profoundly influenced by Boas and his approach, and the body of knowledge built through this approach by various generations of his students has greatly influenced the worldwide development of anthropology, in various parts of the world anthropological practice developed independently and led to the emergence of nation-specific traditions at both the theoretical level, and at the level of professional organization.

Overall, the major variation has to do with the rejection of the Boasian definition of "culture" and of  "four field approach". Thus, in many nations, both in Europe and across the world, "anthropology" is still understood to mean only "biological (or physical) anthropology", "archaeology" is seen as an altogether separate discipline, and "cultural anthropology" is seen either as "ethnology"/"folklore" (now often called "cultural studies"), or, under the term "social anthropology", as a form of comparative sociology.

Since the 1970s, American anthropology has become increasingly influenced by the European "cultural studies" approach, which embraces a nihilistic view of the human condition, denying the possibility of ever establishing a "science of humankind". This school of thought, broadly defined as "postmodern " has led in some cases to the actual splitting of American Departments of Anthropology, originally organized around an integrated four-field approach, into subdisciplinary units identifying strongly either with or against a scientific approach.

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9. Foundational concepts

Anthropology's foundational concepts are: evolution, adaptation, and culture.

Boas integrated these concepts by defining "culture" as the main adaptation tool (or adaptive mechanism) of our species (and different "cultures" as its product). In so doing he highlighted that our species has emerged on planet Earth as a result of evolution, and that "culture-building" is a natural drive of our species.

Consequently, while all cultures have some common features ("cultural universals"), because all members of our species have the same biological/mental make up ("psychic unity of mankind"), they also may end up having widely different characteristics (which may even be maladaptive).

Cultures, therefore, should be studied, and cultural diversity documented and analyzed, by using "cultural relativism"--ie, a willingness not to judge diversity from a subjective point of view (which is always likely to be biased), but to assess it instead holistically and comparatively.

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10. Interdisciplinary linkages

Since the beginning of the new millennium, the need for better understanding the characteristics of our species has grown exponentially. Building such an understanding on a scientific approach to research seems more important than even. As Alfred Kroeber, one of Boas's students, stated in 1949:

  1. The method of science is to begin with questions, not with answers, least of all with value judgments.

  2. Science is dispassionate inquiry and therefore cannot take over outright any ideologies "already formulated in everyday life," since these are themselves inevitably ... tinged with emotional prejudice.

  3. Sweeping all-or-none, black-and-white judgements ... have no place in science, whose very nature is inferential and judicious.

Because of the breadth of its focus, anthropology can serve as a model for interdisciplinary integration and for the use of anthropological insights in a variety of areas of study. The latest version of the AAA definition of anthropology, as posted on their website, says:

"Anthropology is the study of humans, past and present. To understand the full sweep and complexity of cultures across all of human history, anthropology draws and builds upon knowledge from the social and biological sciences as well as the humanities and physical sciences."

Anthropological training at the undergraduate level, therefore, does not necessarily have to lead to graduate-level training and an academic career in anthropology. Rather, a judicious analysis of anthropology's interdisciplinary linkages, matched with one's multidisciplinary interests, may open avenues of professional application and specialization as enjoyable as they are unexpected.

(see: What do anthropologists do?)

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End of Primer (Academic)

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REFERENCE listing #1:

Introduction to Anthropology

What follows is a highly idiosyncratic list of readings which may help understand basic anthropological concepts, issues, and/or foundational texts. They are listed in suggested order of perusal, in that they form an "intellectual pattern" as you move along them.  (NOTE: Many of these books are out of print, but they may be partly available and/on traceable on the web. Consequently, only basic retrieval info--author/publication date/title--is listed.)



Monaghan, J. & P. Just (2000) Social & Cultural Anthropology

Harris, M. (1989) Ourkind

Benedict, R. (1934) Patterns of Culture

Hall, E. T. (1959) The Silent Language; (1966) The Hidden Dimension

Langness, L. L. (1987) The Study of Culture

Bohannan, P. & M. Glazer, eds. (1988) High Points in Anthropology

Geertz, C. (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures

Harris, M. (1979) Cultural Materialism

Kuznar, L. (2008) Reclaiming a Scientific Anthropology

Sanjek, R., ed. (1990) Fieldnotes

Hammersley, M. & P. Atkinson (1983) Ethnography

Hinde, R. A. (1982) Ethology

Lorenz, C. (1973) Behind the Mirror

Lovelock, J. E. (1987) Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth

Prigogine, I. & I. Stengers (1984) Order out of Chaos

Maturana, R. H. & F. Varela (1987) The Tree of Knowledge

Bateson, G. (1972) Steps to an Ecology of Mind; (1979) Mind and Nature

Watzlawick, P. (1976) How Real Is Real?

Bickerton, D. (2009) Adam's Tongue

Gazzaniga, M. (2008) Human

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REFERENCE listing #2:

Online Resources

What follows is a very basic list of online resources for the study/practice of anthropology. Users' comments or suggestions are welcome!

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthropology

http://anthro.palomar.edu/tutorials/

http://www.anthrobase.com/

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REFERENCE listing #3:

 WRITING EXEMPLARS

A special issue of the electronic EM-Journal dedicated to "Writing for Cultural Anthropology" and containing exemplary writing by EMU anthropology students, past and present, was published online in October 2013. Please feel free to peruse its contents in any way you wish (with citation), and circulate the materials offered below to anyone you think might be interested.

The pdf version can be found here: https://canvas.emich.edu/courses/51222/pages/writing-for-cultural-anthropology

or directly accessed through this link: EM-Journal (13) Anth .pdf

An excerpt of the EM-J13 issue can also be found below:

The following materials were included in The Disciplinary Writing Repository (A. Blakeslee & C. Fleischer eds. 2019) a professional-development online (restricted-access) resource documenting best practices in the teaching of professional writing.
Please contact the author (liza.cerroni-long@emich.edu) for any clarifications.

                                                                   

                                                                    Cultural Reflexivity
                                                                                         by
                                                                            E. L. Cerroni-Long


Cultural reflexivity--or the ability to recognize the reality of cultural diversity in general, and one's own cultural membership in particular--is THE fundamental skill of professional cultural anthropologists. One way to stimulate the development of such a skill is to trigger the application of "a view from afar" in the description of some aspects of the students' own culture, following the model set by distinguished American anthropologist Horace Miner in his classic piece: "Body Ritual Among the Nacirema."
This article, an excerpt of which (https://www.sfu.ca/~palys/Miner-1956 ) I ask my students to read in both my Anth 135H ("Introduction to Cultural Anthropology"--the Honors section of the basic introductory course for our program), and in Anth 445W ("Culture Analysis Seminar"-- one of our most advanced, culminating, writing-intensive courses), was published in 1956 as a spoof of the portentous and patronizing way even some of the best modern anthropologists described the practices of the "natives" they studied. The name of the group whose "magic- ridden" ways are described in the piece is "American" spelled backwards, but many students do not realize this until we discuss the piece in class, generally greatly enjoying the double-take it triggers, and the important implications of the spoof.
As a follow-up on the class discussion of this piece, students are then asked to write a short essay on the Nacirema, in which they describe some aspect of their own culture as if they were "extra-terrestrial anthropologists" in need to ethnographically document American ways. This stimulates the skill in cultural reflexivity which is essential in anthropology, and it also guides students in understanding the basic principles of ethnography--which include both emotional detachment (eschewing judgment), and intellectual analysis (attempting to understand the possible causes of "strange" practices by culturally contextualizing them). This exercise also leads students to realize that cultural membership is expressed through behavior, and it is by observing, questioning, describing, and trying to understand behavior that cultural anthropologists do research in their discipline.
Attempting to zero in on taken-for-granted, "normal" behavior in one's own culture as if it was typical of an alien group is a real challenge even for advanced anthropology students, but successful responses to the challenge, as in the two examples offered below, confirm the validity of one of the classic definitions of anthropology as "the discipline of the sense of humor."
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Student Essays Examples
Wars of the Nacirema
by Mordechai Sadowsky

Considered by many to be one of the most understudied cultures in our world, the Nacirema are becoming increasingly understood of late. Although our knowledge of their unique waysremains incomplete, many studies have been undertaken in the past century. The groundbreaking research by Horace Miner paved the way for dozens of ethnographers to explore different facets of the fascinating Nacirema culture. I have had a unique opportunity to study and live among the Nacirema for the past three years and gain invaluable insight into lives.
It has been previously suggested that the Nacirema are a highly masochistic and sadistic society. This hypothesis is supported by my examination of the war-like tendencies of the native inhabitants. The people engage in both direct and highly symbolic battle rituals, traversing many levels of societal abstraction. The Nacirema are constantly at war with one another, whether on an individual level, the family level and/or the tribal level.
As individuals, the Nacirema seem to be highly passive-aggressive creatures. They are in constant competition with one another for every trivial matter, yet they disguise their devious intentions behind kind and cheery façades. The Nacirema women plaster their faces with pigments to conceal their natural facial expressions, and women and men alike apply powerful chemicals to their underarms to mask their pheromones in order to avoid betraying their true emotions. The nature of their competition is occasionally a grand battle over social standing and the labor hierarchy, but it is more commonly over seemingly mundane matters, such as fighting over the most convenient place to temporarily store their transport vehicles.
The Nacirema also engage in inter-familial battles, over similarly trivial matters. Within the strangely geometrically organized communities in which the Nacirema reside, families whose abodes are most proximate are in constant competition. Things that an outsider would consider meaningless, such as the length of unnaturally cultivated grass surrounding their habitations, fascinate the Nacirema. The esteem in which they hold commonplace items provides the warring families with endless means to sabotage one another. For instance, the encroachment into a bed of flowers near a neighboring family’s residence by another family’s pet animal is considered one of the most challenging attacks possible.
These individual and familial battles are often highly calculated and unobtrusive, yet may occasionally break out into direct physical attacks (typically between the male family heads in the case of familiar war). These physical encounters are especially common at the Nacirema’s establishments dedicated to the ritual imbibing of fermented-grains liquids. Despite the potent toxicity of these liquids, the Nacirema engage in an apparently religious partaking of the foul potion to aid them in forgetting their social status and taboos. It is even a rite of passage for the natives that at a certain age their young consume so much of the toxic beverage as to bring them as near to death as possible, further exemplifying the masochistic nature of the Nacirema.
Not only do small units of their people practice war amongst themselves, but the Nacirema also engage in organized battle on a larger scale between various bands and tribes. This warring between tribes is highly symbolic, and unlike the smaller-scale battles, it rarely manifests itself in mass combat. Instead, the people of the tribes have erected massively complex codes of combat with many different forums for competition. The people within a tribe share almost no common interests or characteristics, yet they seem to possess an innate loyalty to their geographic neighbors. This sense of pride causes the natives to work towards striking down opponent tribes neither in the quest for resources, nor in a defensive manner, but rather in the pursuit of what the locals refer to as “bragging rights”.
One of the largest forums for intertribal combat is a highly ritualized practice known as lanoissefrop strops. These rituals involve groups of elite individuals elected to represent a tribe in different forms of battle depending on the time of year. Many forms of these strops battles throughout the year share key characteristics, which seem to have developed over a great length of time. Representatives from two tribes meet to battle in an organized and structured manner. The rules of combat are defined by culture-wide oversight organizations. The main instrument of war is usually a single, round, leather-bound object that is hurled or kicked at great velocities.
And perhaps most morbidly, tens of thousands of tribal individuals gather to watch the ritualistic battle ceremony from the vicinities.
There seems to be no practical goal for the organized battles of the Nacirema. The crowds of screaming attendees of the strops battles clearly demonstrate the strong undercurrent of sadism in the cultural makeup of this people. It is believed that the Nacirema developed these symbolic combat rituals in an attempt to alleviate the suffering they faced during their bloody history of emergence as a culture. However, it is clear to me that the bloodlust of the Nacirema may soon wipe them all out, no matter the intricacies and formalities they may attempt to veil it with.

_________________________________________________________________________

Nacirema Celestial-Deer Worship
by Elizabeth M. Smith

Of the many curious habits of the Nacirema, none is more intriguing than their dedication to a curious goddess and her temple of beverage. The confused symbols it is associated with, and the large, dedicated following it commands, lead one to believe that the religion is old, with many centuries separating the iconography from the ideology upon which it was based. However, material remains indicate that it may have been a religion formed in reaction to newer ideals in a world whose environmental and social state has been reportedly in decline. The nomenclature of the goddess possibly represents the ambiguous and complex motives of her followers. While represented as a green female, its name--Starbucks--evokes both celestial imagery, as well as the term for the male members of a four-legged forest species called deer. The color green, the male deer, and human females are all symbols associated with the earth, and the Nacirema hold in great esteem various legends related to the stars and the sky, including a widespread belief in horo-scopes, which are a way of predicting or directing one’s life based on star formations. The earth-sky duality is as important as the male-female duality among the members of this culture. Worshippers of the goddess Starbucks, who is represented only in two dimensions, gather at its temples to perform regular oral ablutions-cum-ingestions in her name. This religion is practiced both alone and in groups. When practicing alone, many worshippers arrive at the temple and will seek out a private table at which to reflect while they partake of their holy solutions. They will then approach the altar, where priests and priestesses in green garb will take requests for their drink, and worshippers will offer monetary donations, which are designated to correspond to the value of each particular brew. Some worshippers often elect to take in the common brew, made of water that has passed over the roasted and ground seeds of the coffee berry. Other worshippers may choose to offer greater donations and receive elaborate, frothy concoctions in an effort to win favor with the goddess, who grants stamina and mindfulness. It is possible that this belief stems from the fact that the roasted coffee berry contains caffeine, a compound which acts as a stimulant in many of the organic lifeforms on earth. Many potions which are granted in exchange for the donations at the temple contain this compound, although some of the more elaborate (and caffeine-free) beverages may be an attempt to make up for deviation from the traditional coffee berry brew after it was discovered that the caffeine compound has potentially negative health effects when consumed in excess.
If worshipping solitarily, a follower of Starbucks might bring other things to the temple,with the notion that activities performed in the goddess’ sight will be more fruitful. Many of the worshippers will read or write, while some listen to devotional music (which can also be obtained, through exchange of further donations, at the altar, in forms variously accessible through wired bottle-tops inserted in the ear canals). There is the option to take one’s sacramental drink and leave the temple to worship in private, however many followers remain, sometimes for very long time, in order to prove their devotion and demonstrate by the rites they are performing that are being fully blessed by the goddess Starbucks.
Social worship is also acceptable, with many people going to bond with friends or family among the sights and smells of the temple. It is not uncommon to meet new friends for the first time at a Starbucks temple, since it is a safe, calming environment. Many temples use the same designs, and the sight of a green-aproned priest or priestess makes one feel secure. It is unlikely that the sanctity of the temple will be violated with untowardness, making it a haven for bonding with new people.
Unlike some other Nacirema religions, in which one regularly worships at a particular ‘home church’ and feels uncomfortable in the church of another region, even within the same sect, followers of Starbucks are welcome and freely frequent any temple marked by their goddess' symbols, wherever they may be. In fact, given the Nacirema propensity for travel, this is an important feature of the cult, facilitating worship. Many temples offer their services via a “drive-thru” window, so that worshippers may take their blessings on the road with them, and temples are numerous and conveniently located so that one is never too far from one.
The followers of Starbucks represent a wide cross-section of the Nacirema people, and in spite of their differences, it is gratifying to see them come together and unite under the common green and white emblem of their goddess, who seems to pacify and strengthen their character.

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